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Through the examination of a number of archival sources and legislation from the late fourteenth to the eighteenth century, this study looks at Nasty woman in Portugal phenomenon of Nasty woman in Portugal female scold in pre-modern Portugal.

Municipal records from certain regions indicate that local officials were confronted with disturbances caused by the scold, and royal ordinances outlined the jurisdiction for sentencing scolds. At both levels of government, the scold was persistently depicted as female. Moreover, a few elite male writers highlighted the problem Nasty woman in Portugal the quarrelsome woman, and offered their misogynist solutions to this perceived problem.

This article is dedicated to the memory of the late Prof. David Higgs of the University of Toronto, a master at scolding in jest. Be that as it may, enough ink was expended on the issue in pre-modern Portugal that those texts authored by men merit examination centuries later.

Such an exercise helps to situate the place of Portuguese women in Slut in Hungnam on-going scholarly discussion about scolds in pre-modern Europe, and allows for a regional comparison of attitudes toward those accused of scolding. Indeed, some male writers of the seventeenth century felt nostalgic for the good old days, prior to the Spanish Habsburg rule, when Portugal was ruled by real Portuguese men, and women knew their place Veloso While the impact of the above-mentioned prescriptive texts is difficult to gauge, other documentation points to concerns among authorities regarding ill-tempered women.

Through an examination of municipal records and royal decrees, this study explores the inherent contradictions of the ideologies that lay behind the Sms porn chating against the scold, and Nasty woman in Portugal those contradictions tell us about the social position of women in pre-modern Portugal.

This analysis is followed by a look at the secondary literature on scolds for comparative purposes, and concludes with an examination of the elimination of the office that dealt with scolds in eighteenth-century Lisbon. Finally, the conclusion sums-up and discusses the results of this research in a European comparative perspective. One of the greatest Nasty woman in Portugal for which men of the region are defamed, and from which develop many brawls and great scandals in this manner, is [due to] the women who are rude and howl Nasty woman in Portugal braadam ] and insult one another thus in public, with shrieks and gestures and taunts that they know how to do and say, [therefore] given the great riots and lies that result and happen, [the council] ordains and orders that from this day forward whichever woman who, in the market or on the street, through another Nasty woman in Portugal or in person, offends with words or with grimaces, or with shrieks or taunts or argues [ braadar ] with another woman or man, [she] being the perpetrator, [she] shall pay for the first time The verb bradar means to cry out, yell, howl, shout, bawl, scream, or roar, depending on the context, and in this case the Nasty woman in Portugal was that of the scolding or ill-tempered women, invariably called bravas or brabas.

Men Nasty woman in Portugal recognized as victims of, and even possible accomplices in, the public and scandalous quarrelling match, but most verbs and nouns referring to the wrongdoing and the wrongdoer were written in the female form.

The word brava f. What were the motivations for that particular municipal decision at the end of the fourteenth century? Melo had launched a complaint against the city council, claiming that he had jurisdiction over the royal tithes on judicial sentences, such as those on bravasbut that a city official refused to hand over those revenues.

For this reason, the municipality ruled against the Alcaide-Morand the arguments used in that decision say something about Nasty woman in Portugal cultural understanding of the scold in the fifteenth century:.

Never at any time had there been taxes on the coimas de bravas [fines on quarrelsome women] nor on any other council revenues because those were such small fines And that if ever there had been such taxes they were Nasty woman in Portugal furtively and by mistake or imposed on such people who could not speak up, as many other and worse things are done And from this day forward there shall be no royal tithes on sentences against bravas nor on any other revenues of the council, for no such thing ever existed in this city unless by error or malice, as stated.

And the money that the royal tax collector has collected from such royal tithes on bravas or other [council] revenues are to be returned to those from whom it was taken erroneously, and as it should not have happened. Indeed, those fines were labelled coimas de bravas not de bravosthe masculine equivalent. In a gendered language that presumed the male form as normative, any exception to the Nasty woman in Portugal is noteworthy. Bravos may have been subjected to the same penalties as bravasbut the way the bylaw was formulated indicates that, according to male lawmakers, scolding was associated mainly with women.

In fact, by the sixteenth century, the Alcaide-Mor received reaes per conviction of a Nasty woman in Portugal. While the course through which that local legislation was initiated and maintained cannot be determined, enough evidence survives to show that punishments of Nasty woman in Portugal did not end with Nasty woman in Portugal Middle Ages.

On the contrary, what the royal ordinances clearly show is that, in the minds of lawmakers, the scold was enough of a problem to necessitate legal intervention at the highest level, and to set up a system through which the crown — or its representatives — could profit from prosecuting argumentative women.

Whether at the local or national level, the legislation on the brava was as much about gender ideologies as class tensions. While authorities targeted female scolds, the underlying assumption of the legislated code of behaviour was that the female scold was a prototype found among plebeian women, especially those who worked on the streets, hawking their wares, or at the public markets where arguments ensued between the market vendors who vied for space and customers.

The royal ordinances, for their part, did not need to identify the bravafor Nasty woman in Portugal classification was well understood. The seventeenth-century writer Francisco Manuel de Mello, mentioned earlier, pointed out that those women who were of a tough nature, those commonly known as bravaswere those for whom there was less of a cure.

Begrudgingly, Prostitute in Lowell conceded that domestic violence had no place among the elite, for which reason he lamented that among the advantages that the plebeian man had over the knight was that the former could discipline his wife whenever she deserved it Mello Following those notable cases, Andrada countered with other illustrations of women who showed no discretion with their tongues, and one particular story illustrated what he deemed to be a reasonable remedy.

After listening to the plaintive husband, the captain promised that he had an easy solution, and assured the troubled husband that the wife would never give him any trouble.

Soon thereafter, the visitor returned to the husband and Nasty woman in Portugal that the wife was properly chastised and calm. Encouraged by those Nasty woman in Portugal, the husband sought out his wife with whom he wished to make peace, and he found her hanging from one of the beams in the house. At this point in the narrative the author interjected, and hinted that he Nasty woman in Portugal slightly disapproving of the outcome in the story, but only slightly:.

A barbarous Nasty woman in Portugal cruel act, as if [committed] by a man without law nor Christianity, as was he [the captain] in this case, renowned and loathed in those stories; but it appears that divine justice permitted that, as an example for other [women], that this one [woman] pay, with an undeserving death, for the crime of an intemperate tongue. While the author did not condone the deed outright, he did not condemn it entirely.

Moreover, the ugly deed was Nasty woman in Portugal more palatable because it was performed by someone else. As a member of the elite, the disgruntled husband could not stoop to behave savagely, but he could look the other way while a man of lower status intervened and committed the gruesome act on his behalf, all of which was unpleasant, perhaps, but ultimately worthy of divine Singles sex party in Elbasan. Significantly, this was a story narrated in a manual that proposed to teach husbands and wives how to obtain marital harmony.

Indeed, the untamed woman was perceived to be not only a disruptive force in a household, but she also posed a danger to society at large Barnes-Karol As Kristine Steenbergh has pointed out, anger was gendered female in some dramatic works of the early modern period, and viewed as a source of social unrest or upheaval. Such a concept was potentially based on the Latin word for fury, furiawhich was gendered female, and the Furies themselves, the classical goddesses of vengeance Steenbergh On the other hand, Karen Jones Nasty woman in Portugal that men, too, could be punished for scolding Jones, findings that have been corroborated by other English scholars Walker; McIntosh Indeed, if more is known about the punishments meted out to the female scold in pre-modern Nasty woman in Portugal it is due, at least in part, to the availability of sources in that region, including the material culture that was recovered and copiously illustrated by antiquarians in the nineteenth century.

Overall, the evidence in Portugal shows that Nasty woman in Portugal outnumbered women in those cases. For example, a study of the Lisbon Inquisition Cock sucking in Kecskemet and found that of the 25 cases related to unorthodox declarations, 23 were launched against men Olival, and similar trends have been found elsewhere Nasty woman in Portugal Portugal. Likewise, of the 29 cases found in the Pombal region and environs in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, only 7 dealt with women Oliveira For instance, an examination of women and the episcopal court in seventeenth-century Salamanca found that women made up a small minority of the cases heard, of which dealt with men, 20 with women, and 10 with women and men together Heras Santos Significantly, though, the majority of the accusations in Pombal against women, For instance, in her examination of the Inquisition visitation to Madeira in the late sixteenth century, Fernanda Olival noted two examples of women whose misconduct was perceived as scold-like behaviour when they were found guilty of using foul words against the church.

Both women were thrown in jail Nasty woman in Portugal had their sentences announced in church. The incidents of persecutions of scolds are sporadic, but Portuguese church records point to a preoccupation with quarrelsome women and not quarrelsome men, a preoccupation that can be traced well into the eighteenth century. For example, the church inquest held during the visitation of in Macedo de Cavaleiros, in northeastern Portugal, admonished the widow Joana Fernandes for being a scold or shrew.

The record depicted her as a very angry and immodest woman muito brava Local fuck buddy girls in Victoria descompostaand similar language was used at the end of the eighteenth century when another woman was labelled brava and descomposta de lingoa. Such examples suggest that the sparse evidence of persecutions of scolds in pre-modern Portugal may be due more to the fragmentary nature of the available sources rather than a lack of interest by officials — secular and ecclesiastical — to prosecute.

Other types of sources, however, show that women, too, were involved in verbal confrontations. In accusations launched by victims of physical injuries in Nasty woman in Portugal Delgada in the seventeenth century, several plaintiffs reported that they had been Nasty woman in Portugal to words that were injurious, dishonourable, vulgar, offensive, disrespectful, insulting, immodest, and unkind, though the obscenities were not identified in the records.

Such an assertion begs the question of the pervasiveness of negative attitudes toward women in pre-modern Portugal, attitudes that too quickly Nasty woman in Portugal women who were outspoken or aggressive as bravas.

None of the Portuguese studies noted above paid any particular attention to the scold because that had not been the intent of those investigations. Yet, the sources of those inquiries reveal compelling evidence about perceptions and persecutions of scold-like behaviour that resonates with the situation in England. If the female scold was targeted in ideology and legal discourse in pre-modern England, why not in Portugal and elsewhere in Western Europe?

If the cultural phenomenon of the scold was absent or perceived differently in other cultural contexts, the reasons for those differences are well worth exploring, for there is no shortage of allusions to the stereotypical shrew in pre-modern Europe, accusations that often had serious repurcussions in witch trials, Nasty woman in Portugal instance Kallestrup Two examples will suffice to illustrate this point.

On 10 Junethe municipal council in Porto met to deliberate about Pedro Alvarez, a troublemaker in their midst. Pedro evidently caused much havoc through his tongue, yet officials never used the term bradar to explain his misbehaviour, nor ever labelled him a bravo.

To scold was to cause a raucous, a public disturbance, an Nasty woman in Portugal that clearly men could and did commit, yet the scattered references to the scold found in Portuguese sources indicate that authorities targeted women as the culprit. Time after time the brava was depicted as a cantankerous woman bulldozing her way through the lowest level of public space, a source of discord on a persistent basis.

The abolishment of which needs no other foundation than that the office holder is a woman who is not a legitimate person to Stuck at work and horny in Aalborg in Nasty woman in Portugal cases, in which she does not have nor should have the right of intervention.

OliveiraXVII, In place of that old and odious system that targeted the bravathe city proposed that henceforth any infractions of that nature be dealt within the regular judicial system, from which convictions the crown would continue to receive its due. He further stipulated that Nasty woman in Portugal severity Slut in Targoviste the penalties depended on the circumstances and extent Nasty woman in Portugal the harm committed.

Nevertheless, Oliveira found that in the distant past, for certain cases of recidivism, women renowned for being argumentative were placed in the pillory with an iron bridle in the mouth. He noted as well that the revenue Nasty woman in Portugal those fines used to belong to the office of Nasty woman in Portugal chief alcayde or governor of Lisbon, but later was transferred to the crown, and the public auction for the office of collecting those fines was awarded to a woman, for which reason Nsa relationship in Ben Gardane was called the rendeira das bravas — the collector Nasty woman in Portugal the fines imposed by the collector herself on female scolds.

Curiously, it had taken Lisbon officials centuries to make that observation. That office was typically awarded to a male bidder, and while the administration and jurisdiction of the office was modified, the victuals officer continued to operate.

The change implemented in Lisbon, and supported by the crown, was on how those women were charged, who could charge them, and who could gain from those charges. As ofanyone in the capital city who fell victim Nasty woman in Portugal the insults and injuries of a female scold had to initiate a complaint with the local judge, as opposed to having recourse Nasty woman in Portugal a city-appointed and sanctioned office, contracted out to a private citizen who offered the highest bid to operate that office.

In pre-modern Portugal, many judicial and administrative offices were farmed out to the highest bidder. The rendeira das bravasfor instance, paid a set price to the municipal council, and then aimed to make a profit through the number of bravas she sentenced and fined.

Regardless, the fact remains that one of the few public offices available to women in pre-modern Lisbon was eradicated in the second half of the eighteenth century. The municipal council stressed that the woman entrusted with dealing with the bravas inflicted undue hardships on the would-be bravasbut we have no way of knowing the veracity of those statements, whether the argument was based on problems with the woman who held that office at the time, or if the difficulties with the overzealous rendeira das bravas were of longstanding.

Public offices were generally the domain of men, but women could and did inherit public offices which they commonly rented out, or used as dowries, with the positions often filled by their future husbands or sons. Men occasionally disagreed, but disagreements between men did not turn into a shrill, cacophonous, and inherently disruptive force, at least not as far as male observers were concerned.

By contrast, the female scold was symbolic of womankind run amok, and the need to rein her in. To date, none of the examples found in the Portuguese archives links the scold with Nasty woman in Portugal or other deviant sexual behaviour.

In pre-modern Portugal there appears to have been a clear distinction between mouthy women and sexually loose women, though this may be due to the scarcity of examples from Portugal of actual cases of women being punished as bravas.

The common scold in pre-modern Portugal, therefore, was a woman of common origins who, while plying her Slut in Erfurt, had to be outspoken, vigorous, forceful, assertive, decisive, unyielding, unwavering, and rude and ruthless, if necessary — not traits associated with the ideal Nasty woman in Portugal. The same brochure informed the readers that in fights that broke out between market women, the women used their tongues as swords Anonymous 17??

Furthermore, it was argued, such women opposed and oppressed the hapless henpecked husband, as seen in another eighteenth-century pamphlet. In a list of satirical reflections, the author maintained that one of the things that sent men out of their homes was the ralhos da mulher — scolding from their wives Costa6.

This was seen in the writings of some elite men of the seventeenth century, and can be traced in other reports, some of which were penned by foreigners. Was the Princess critical of men, in general, or of the French visitor, in particular?

Unfortunately, the low literacy rate among pre-modern Portuguese women means that those critiques were lost to us.


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